Promoting democracy within the CPC is perceived as a feasible approach to advancing democracy in the country at large in an orderly manner, because it can play an exemplary role and lead the way. Democracy within the Party has made progress over the past years, but at a slower pace than widely expected. This is clear by virtue of the fact that in spite of the raft of mechanisms China has constructed and put into practice at local levels to ensure democracy in policy making, public participation and supervision, the situation remains little changed, insofar as the higher authorities, rather than the masses, endow power on public officials. In the continued absence of conduits necessary to influence the exercise of public authority, the public can do little to prevent power abuse and the damage it inflicts. This lack of voice erodes citizens’ trust in public officialdom, and is a main cause of tension between the Party and the people and of growing social conflicts.

Facing squarely the problems involved in China’s reforms by no means entails denial of them. Celebrations of and accolades for achievements, including those in the political realm, are justified, particularly those upon the convening of the 18th CPC National Congress. Looking back on past accomplishments boosts our confidence in future reforms. Meanwhile, however, we must remain sober and alert to potential crisis.

Past reforms have been fruitful, but peripheral. We started with the easier tasks, leaving those more significant, complicated and with broader ramifications until a point that allowed for more detailed planning. The time has now come to deal with the tasks of magnitude that require deeper reforms, and where any misstep could bring grim consequences.

There is a tough battle ahead for China’s reforms, but we have no choice but to press on. Procrastinating political restructuring would hinder that of other aspects of society and so threaten the entire reform process. This is why the public is so anxious that such reforms take place. In sum, political restructuring is both imperative and unquestionable; it is an arrow poised for flight.

Prospects for Political Restructuring

It is clear that China’s political restructuring is still inchoate and needs to take bigger, bolder strides under the premise of an orderly, stable process. The issues that take priority after the 18th CPC National Congress are:

I. Regulation and Restriction of Public Power

Corruption, which shows no sign of abatement, has become a public menace that undermines the credibility of the ruling party and hence of the government. Ineffective checks on public power constitute the root of such corruption. China’s political system is based on that of the Soviet Union, wherein the ruling party as all-powerful is the defining characteristic. The party secretary has the final word at all levels of the state machine, and the Party has supreme authority. This, in principle, places the nation under the “rule of man.” Unbridled power has inflicted heavy tolls on China in the past. Since opening-up and reform we have introduced methods to regulate and restrict public authority, but they have yet to turn the situation around. There is at present no fully transparent operation of public power, public participation in state affairs is limited, and there is insufficient decentralization of power and common restraint among public officials. This irrational, inefficient and obsolete power configuration has moreover given rise to a faulty structure that has nurtured overarching vested interests to the extent of manipulating the country’s reforms and hampering their progress. The consequences of not firmly redressing public authority and allowing its continued freewheeling would be catastrophic. It is time, therefore, to grasp the nettle and confine public power.

II. Top-level Design

China’s political restructuring has advanced on the heels of that of its economy but has yet to reach an extent that satisfies the people. A leading factor among those accountable for this situation is the absence of a top-level design for political restructuring. A main feature of a planned economy is the expectation that the central government devises an exhaustive scheme of reforms that local authorities bring into effect. China should now stick to the path of pilot reforms that start at local levels and which the central authorities accordingly evaluate as appropriate or otherwise for national application. The problem is that holistic planning and coordination have not been in place when local governments have carried out extensive reform experiments that have brought encouraging results. All too often the central government does nothing more than call the shots for reform, leaving the groundwork to various government divisions. This gives certain authorities the opportunity either to entrench or augment their might in the name of reforms whose original intent is to regulate and check public power. Reforms are consequently scrappy and unevenly implemented.

III. More Research on the Institutionalization of Civil Society

That a civil society undergoes greater institutionalization within a market economy is a natural trend. The more institutionalized civil society becomes, the more healthy and orderly its development will be. A core function of political parties, therefore, is to push forward social institutionalization. During the years of revolution the CPC excelled at rallying various social forces to achieve its political goals. The situation at the time of socialist construction is different. A hallmark of a civil society is when various social forces stand behind their respective interests rather than the Party’s objectives.

Scant study has been made of the new situation. The thinking whereby social organizations are either appurtenances of the Party or latent threats to its rule, however, is detrimental. These times demand deep consideration of the need to heighten the institutionalization of our society and provide institutionalized channels for citizens to voice their interests.

IV. Promote Intra-party Democracy

Intra-party democracy will remain a pivotal point of promoting general democracy in future political restructuring. To ensure that it can truly perform the flagship role of building comprehensive democracy in China, particular efforts must be made in elections for Party positions. In doing so competition should be advocated – a move that underpins the legitimacy of meritocracy within the Party. Competition has in fact long been in existence due to scarce power resources. Owing to prejudice against political competition, however, it is something we are reluctant to acknowledge and hence fail to regulate. Consequently the race for Party positions often involves under-the-table deals, turning what should be competition into contemporary versions of the struggles and jockeying for power in the imperial courts of feudal times. Competition is not the antithesis of solidarity. Rules have to be laid down for intra-Party competition, so bringing it into the open and allowing candidates to prove their political aptitude publicly. Involving more Party members and citizens in the selection of government officials will enhance the legitimacy of the CPC rule.

WANG CHANGJIANG is chief of the Party Building Research Department and a doctoral tutor at the Party School of the Central Committee of the CPC.