China, Free Rider or Contributor?
China’s diplomacy, in light of the reality of a diversified world and the country’s development logic, reflects the modesty and harmony inherent in Chinese culture, based on which it assesses its own and other countries’ actions. This fundamental diplomatic concept demonstrates the maturity of a growing country in its understanding of world affairs. It also embodies respect for diversified world civilizations, social values, and development paths, and advocacy of a multipolarized world. The international responsibilities that China takes should be proportionate to the country’s strength and at the same time manifest China’s fundamental evaluation of world affairs. China, therefore, will not follow suit in the Western world’s military interference, but abide by the UN Charter and emphasize harmonious development of the world in all its diversity. China’s clear stance and candid views on international affairs underline the country’s responsible attitude toward world development.
How Can the U.S. Be Reassured?
The U.S. has persistently demanded that China take international actions that accord with American standards and conform to American interests, thus realizing them, while at the same time downplaying China’s outstanding contributions to world development. On many regional issues, China has chosen to follow international rules in the interests of peoples of the world rather than “ganging up” with the U.S. against them.
In fact, while griping about China, from a strategic point of view the U.S. is quite happy to let China “take a free ride.” Another connotation of free riding here refers to the conservative diplomacy which does not proactively seek to change the international order. Were it to stop cooperating with the U.S. in maintaining the current international order, China would probably substantiate its position by setting up a new order according to different principles. This would be unacceptable to the U.S. Hence, some commentators in the U.S. hold that China should be allowed to continue as a “free rider,” because this is preferable to China standing up to the U.S.
Although grumbling about China’s free riding, therefore, President Obama might well inwardly have been experiencing turmoil and uncertainty. American contradictory opinions as regards allowing China to be a free rider reflect wavering U.S. evaluations of this rising world power.
China Welcomes Other Countries to Take a Free Ride
Strategically, being a free rider is an advisable choice for China in the midst of profound changes in its political and economic structures. China’s biggest challenge in the future will come not from abroad but within the country. As long as China maintains its unity, national unification, and strength, no international force can thwart its historic rise. Being a free rider thus also accords with its bid to prioritize domestic development, reduce strategic risk in its foreign policies, and maintain low costs in international relations. In this sense, if a free ride is available, why not make use of it?
In assuming its international responsibility, China welcomes neighboring countries and the world at large to take advantage of and have a free ride on China’s economic and social development. This will achieve common prosperity and stability throughout the world.
During Chinese President Xi Jinping’s state visit to Mongolia from August 21 to 22, 2014, in addition to a host of cooperation documents, China also signed a joint declaration with Mongolia to boost bilateral ties by upgrading their relationship to a comprehensive strategic partnership. On August 22, in his speech at the State Great Hural of Mongolia, the country’s parliament, President Xi committed China to providing opportunity and space for common development of neighboring countries, including Mongolia, and welcomed them to “board China’s train of development.”
After all, China and the U.S.’s mutual “free ride” will contribute to their respective development as well as to world peace, stability and prosperity.
ZHU FENG is executive director of the Collaborative Innovation Center for South China Sea Studies, based at Nanjing University, and associate dean of the Institute of International & Strategic Studies, Peking University.
