China’s Diplomatic Strategy and Foreign Relations

By CHU SHULONG

AN examination of China’s diplomatic strategy and foreign relations calls first of all for a fundamental clarification of the country’s situation by answering such questions as, “what kind of country is China now, and what will it be like in the future?” and “what are China’s strengths in the fields of economy, military and politics?” China’s diplomatic strategy and foreign policies are all based on the country’s fundamental realities.

Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao and German Chancellor Angela Merkel preside over the second round of China-Germany governmental consultations at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on August 30, 2012. Cnsphoto

No Seeker of Hegemony

There are two prevailing, diametrically opposed opinions about China. One is that it is a world power that has benefited greatly from the existing international system, and should hence take on greater responsibilities in line with its international status, such as dealing with climate change and the Euro-zone crisis. The other is that China’s rise poses a threat to developed countries in the West. The latter “China threat theory,” however, has arisen since China undertook greater international responsibilities. The two views hence reflect the ambivalence of the Western world towards China.

China’s state leaders often use the expression, “China is a big country.” Chinese people have also been made aware since birth that China is one of the world’s biggest countries. I believe, however, that it is necessary to differentiate the concept of “a big country” from that of “a world power,” given that many Chinese people have come to regard them as interchangeable.

I see China as a big country, but not as a world power. It is big by virtue of the big numbers related to it: China has a population of more than 1.3 billion and covers an area of 9.6 million square km. With 2.3 million servicemen in its regular armies, China’s military spending is second only to that of the United States. China has moreover surpassed Japan to become the world’s second largest economy in terms of GDP. All these figures undoubtedly imply that China is a big country.

The Western world considers China as a world power, though not a standard, complete one because it is still not able to exert great influence over all international affairs. In contrast, one sentence uttered by the U.S. President can have a perceivable affect on the situation of an entire region.

In my opinion, a country’s impact on international political security is an issue that involves not only the country’s capability and strength, but also its will, or in other words, its strategy. Whether it has the capability to exert international influence is one thing; whether it chooses to interfere strategically in all international issues is another.

Various people have often said on different occasions that China is a country without a global diplomatic strategy. This is an opinion I do not endorse. With regards to many international affairs, it is usually the case that, after thoughtful consideration, China decides either to step in or to sit on the fence. This is a kind of diplomatic strategy. To be a world power means involvement in all international affairs, leading and dominating the world, and being a world “cop” – all of which are contrary to China’s stand on world issues. China has claimed that it will never seek world hegemony. Although international powers will change, the possibility of China becoming a world leader is slim due to the following reasons. First, China is a developing country; taking into consideration its limited resources and strength and large population, it must give priority to domestic issues. Second, Chinese philosophy, ideology and culture do not concur with hegemony. The Western world is unanimous in its observation, as documented in world history, that China was once the most powerful country in the world. Yet China has never sought world domination. I therefore think that China will not endeavor to lead the world in the future. In addition, Chinese culture is not dominated by any “world” religion, and there is no sense of mission among the Chinese people, as apparent in certain other countries, to spread the Lord’s gospel or Allah’s decrees.

Those people in the Western world who see China as a threat and think it will vie with the U.S. for world leadership have no grounds for such belief. It can stem only from a shallow understanding of Chinese culture.

Western Development Road Not for China

In 2002, China pinpointed the first 20 years of the 21st century as a period of critically important strategic opportunities that should be grasped and exploited. This judgment has proved absolutely correct.

It was not until the early 1980s, when Deng Xiaoping proposed peace and development as two main world themes, that New China correctly evaluated the world situation. The country then seized upon the important opportunities brought about by its reform and opening-up drive. Government work reports over the past 30 years have emphasized that China pursues an independent foreign policy of peace. Since entering the new century, the purpose of China’s foreign policy has been to safeguard world peace and promote common development.

In 1982, three years after the establishment of China-U.S. diplomatic relations, China began to emphasize an independent stance in its foreign affairs, one that carries two connotations. First, China adopts in its military affairs a policy of non-alignment closely related to Chinese culture and traditions, whereby it neither accepts leadership nor seeks to lead any other country. Second, China does not want to be dependent on any country or bloc of countries.

The old development road of colonial expansion taken by certain Western countries is naturally not an option for China. I believe that to realize peace and development, China must integrate with existing international systems, rather than challenge them.

Many people regard the present international systems, having been established by Western countries headed by the U.S. after WWII, as reflecting their values and interests. They consequently believe that if China were to accept and be integrated into them it would have to compromise with the Western world. I believe that, while reflecting the values and interests of Western countries, these systems also embody the fundamental interests of most countries of the world, including China. For example, the U.N-dominated international structure of politics and security is congruous with China’s interests. The U.N. is indeed the biggest international organization with regards to international politics and the security issues of sovereign states. As a permanent member of U.N. Security Council, China has determinately maintained the organization’s authority. The international trade system established after WWII evolved into a world trade order in 1995 dominated by the World Trade Organization, operating on the principle of free trade. China’s integration into it is, of course, in the country’s best interests. Before the Renminbi becomes one of the world major currencies, maintaining the dominant status and stability of the U.S. dollar is hence vital, and also in China’s interests.

The two main world themes of peace and development also signify that countries should not challenge one another. Economic strength is a key competitive issue among countries, and since 1978, China has taken economic development as its primary task. The country’s achievements in this respect over the past 30 years have also greatly benefited from its exchanges with the Western world.

As a country whose civilization dates back to ancient times, China’s goal internationally is to establish a harmonious world. Peace, development and cooperation, therefore, remain the three main themes of China’s diplomacy. In addition, China should include the principle of justice when dealing with foreign affairs.

Guided by these principles, China’s diplomacy, on the whole, has enjoyed sound development, apparent in its diplomatic relations with 175 countries out of 199 in the world.

China-U.S. relations take priority in China’s foreign affairs. In spite of their conflicts and divergences on many issues, China and the U.S. have maintained close cooperation in many fields. Further progress in these bilateral ties will partly depend on China’s judgment on whether or not the U.S. is on the decline. I implied in an article I have published on this topic that it is the American economic system and cultural development that lead, and will continue to lead the world in the foreseeable future. I believe that the innate ability of a nation to seek innovations and make changes to its systems and culture enables it to survive. China has this ability. After a spell of disturbance, this great nation will create more glory through reform and opening. U.S. world leadership is reflected in its advanced technologies; the country’s technical innovations continue in spite of its economic downturn. U.S. military strength is also peerless throughout the world.

In recent years, China-U.S. relations have maintained the stable development that Deng Xiaoping envisioned decades ago. Since taking office, Barack Obama has held talks with Chinese President Hu Jintao on 11 occasions, and the annual China-U.S. Strategic and Economic Dialogue, with 250 officials from each side in attendance, has been held since 2009. The latest survey shows that, of all Asian countries, Americans have the most favorable impression of China. The results of a Global Times survey also show that 60-70 percent of Chinese find Americans likable. It should, however, be borne in mind that contradictions and divergences between the two sides are still salient, especially on such issues as social systems and human rights.

Still Developing

Another controversial issue about China is that of its status as a developing country – a fact that growing numbers of people around the world refute. People’s Daily discussed the issue over several months last year in a special column. It reached the conclusion that China is still a developing country. Today, Western scholars and governments, and even certain international organizations, constantly demand that China desist from making this claim. Yet IMF data show that, in 2011 China’s per capita GDP was US $5,414, giving it a No. 89 ranking among the world’s 199 countries. This statistic leaves no doubt that China is indeed still developing.

Politically, China is a socialist state with few peers in the world in this regard. This constitutes another China plight. China is a nation that advocates peace, and has hence done its best to establish friendly relations with each country. In spite of its efforts, however, the reality is that China still faces much distrust from certain states – a fact that has been a source of confusion to many of its diplomats. The reason for this can still be ascribed to socialism, which people in the West often instinctively associate with “dictatorship, lack of freedom and disrespect of human rights.”

Nowadays, it is often said that China is the development engine of Asia, if not the world. Last year, the Goldman Sachs Group, Inc. predicted that by 2020 it would surpass the U.S. in terms of GDP. The fact is, though, that even if China’s GDP does outstrip that of the U.S. that year, the country will still have a long way to go before it can catch up in other aspects related to comprehensive national strength. Economic quality counts for much of a country’s comprehensive strength, which is in turn largely decided by its level of science and technology. China’s progress in science and technology has been less outstanding than in its economic development. It will not be easy to close the sci-tech gap between China and more developed countries in the next 20-30 years. During the 30 or more years of its reform and opening-up, China has witnessed skyrocketing economic development. As of now, however, it has not been a world leader in most key fields of science and technology.

Chinese people are justly proud of their culture. However, Chinese culture lacks appeal for non-Chinese people, especially youth, as distinguished Singaporean statesman Lee Kuan Yew said in a recent media interview. American culture, in contrast, has swept the entire world. American fast food, for example, has changed the dietary habits of millions, and is as popular in China as Chinese cuisine. Hollywood blockbusters thrill the world audience, and as a consequence the American lifestyle, with all its flaws, has strong global appeal. There remains, therefore, much for China to do to improve its cultural clout and expand its world influence. After all, the upgrading of a country’s soft power is crucial to its diplomacy, international image and status.